What Happens When Government Emails are Allegedly “Fatally Lost”?

President Trump’s phone and email behavior are coming under scrutiny for security reasons, but regardless of the device used, the type of email account being used could be a bigger concern.  Did you know that a government official’s use of private email to conduct government business is wrong?  If the Hillary Clinton email scandal didn’t showcase that, consider one of our recent and ongoing investigations into former Secretary of State Colin Powell’s work-related email records, which were hosted on a personal AOL account.

In September 2016, the House Oversight & Government Reform Committee held a hearing at which then-Under Secretary of State Patrick Kennedy testified that the State Department had undertaken minimal efforts to retrieve Powell’s work-related email.  In October 2016, Cause of Action Institute sought access to Secretary Powell’s work-related emails under the Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”).  At the same time, we advised the Secretary of State and the Archivist of the United States of their obligations under the Federal Records Act (“FRA”) to recover those same email records.  Once it became apparent that the State Department would not respond to our FOIA request, and the obligation to initiate action through the Attorney General for the recovery of Secretary Powell’s work-related email would not be met, we filed suit in federal district court.  In January 2018, when the court denied the government’s first motion to dismiss, it described the State Department’s efforts at recovery as “anemic.”  As we’ve noted, U.S. District Court Judge Trevor McFadden explained that “[t]he Defendants’ refusal to turn to the law enforcement authority of the Attorney General is particularly striking in the context of a statute with explicitly mandatory language.”  “[T]here is a substantial likelihood that [CoA Institute’s] requested relief would yield access to at least some of the emails at issue.”

After being repeatedly asked by the National Archives and Records Administration (“NARA”) to contact AOL directly for Powell’s emails, the State Department never did so until CoA Institute filed its lawsuit.  But the State Department continues to use the line that the emails have been “fatally lost” and that our lawsuit should therefore be dismissed.  The Defendants argue that, even if they cannot prove fatal loss or completely recover unlawfully removed records, their obligation to initiate action through the Attorney General (and thus marshal the law enforcement authority of the federal government) can be excused if they have no “reason to believe” records are recoverable.

We’re currently pushing back on that argument, as it rests on a fundamental misapprehension of the FRA.  We have asked the court to order the Secretary of State and the U.S. Archivist to initiate action through the Attorney General for the recovery of Powell’s email, as required by law.  This would entail enlisting the law enforcement authority of the federal government to investigate the possibility of forensically recovering the records at issue, among other things.  Such techniques have been successful in previous cases of unlawfully removed federal records, as evidenced by Hillary Clinton’s email scandal and the FBI’s recovery of Peter Strzok and Lisa Page’s text messages.

The problem with the Defendants’ position is that it ignores the clear text of the FRA and thirty years of precedent, which recognizes a non-discretionary obligation for an agency head to go to the Attorney General whenever its own recovery efforts have failed.  In this last line of their closing brief, the Defendants sum up their argument: “We recognize that the Court has previously rejected the contention that the FRA requires referral only when an agency has reason to believe that records can be recovered but respectfully reserve the right to seek further review should the Solicitor General determine that such review is warranted.”

This case illustrates how careless the federal government can be with the protection of government work – the use of a personal account and the subsequent years-long legal battle to recover Secretary Powell’s work-related emails are a failure of our government to follow both the FRA and the FOIA.  Secretary Powell should never have used a personal email account, and the State Department should have acted quicker to recover and preserve vital records of government business that were stored on a third-party commercial server.  If it is this difficult to recover materials that ultimately belong to the American people, the work of the government becomes more and more opaque and the gap between the American people’s knowledge and the federal government’s behavior only widens.

Mary Beth Gombita, Cause of Action Institute.

17 Groups Urge Trump Administration to End Unlawful IRS Practice of Dodging Oversight

Washington, D.C. – Cause of Action Institute (“CoA Institute”) today led a coalition of 17 organizations in sending a letter to President Trump and senior administration officials urging them to hold the IRS accountable by working to end the agency’s practice of dodging oversight of its rules.

CoA Institute recently issued an investigative report titled Evading Oversight: The Origins and Implications of the IRS Claim That Its Rules Do Not Have an Economic Impact, detailing how the IRS created and expanded a series of self-bestowed exemptions from three important regulatory oversight mechanisms.  The IRS created these exemptions by claiming that the economic effects of its rules flow from the underlying statute and not its regulatory choices.

The letter states:

This IRS practice denies Congress information about IRS major rules that should be reported to the Government Accountability Office under the Congressional Review Act.  It also hinders the White House’s ability to fulfill its constitutional obligation to supervise the Executive Branch by conducting oversight of IRS regulations pursuant to Executive Order 12,866.  And it impacts the public’s right to learn about and comment on the economic impact of the IRS rules that are subject to the Regulatory Flexibility Act… The IRS should live by the same rules of administrative law and agency oversight as the rest of the Executive Branch.

The letter was sent to President Trump, Secretary of the Treasury Steven Mnuchin, Office of Management and Budget (“OMB”) Director Mick Mulvaney, and Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (“OIRA”) Administrator Neomi Rao.

The letter urges the Department of the Treasury and OMB to withdraw from a decades-old agreement allowing the IRS to avoid White House review of its rulemakings. Last week, two former heads of OIRA, Susan E. Dudley who served under President George W. Bush and Sally Katzen who served in the Clinton administration, wrote in The Wall Street Journal that this longstanding agreement has been abused and agreed it should be reconsidered.

Further, the coalition letter firmly holds that the IRS should not be permitted to claim that the economic impact of its rules is due to the underlying statute and not its regulatory choices.

The full letter can be found here.

The following groups signed:

American Business Defense Council
Dick Patten, President

American Commitment
Phil Kerpen, President

Americans for Prosperity
Brent Wm. Gardner, Chief Government Affairs Officer

Americans for Tax Reform
Grover Norquist, President

Association of Mature American Citizens
Dan Weber, President & CEO

Campaign for Liberty
Norm Singleton, President

The Carlstrom Group
Bob Carlstrom, President

Cause of Action Institute
John Vecchione, President & CEO

Center for Freedom and Prosperity
Andrew F. Quinlan, President

Council for Citizens Against Government Waste
Tom Schatz, President

Family Business Coalition
Palmer Schoening, Chairman

Freedom Partners Chamber of Commerce
Nathan Nascimento, Executive Vice President

FreedomWorks
Jason Pye, Vice President of Legislative Affairs

Hispanic Leadership Fund
Mario H. Lopez, President

National Taxpayers Union
Pete Sepp, President

Taxpayers Protection Alliance
David Williams, President

Tea Party Patriots
Jenny Beth Martin, President

 

For information regarding this press release, please contact Zachary Kurz, Director of Communications at CoA Institute: zachary.kurz@causeofaction.org.

 

Coal Subsidies: Just As Bad As Green Energy Subsidies

Republicans promote the free market rhetorically, but in crafting policy, all too often they jump ship and support corporate subsidies for favored industries. For example: coal subsidies.

President Donald Trump followed that well-worn path last month when he called for coal subsidies that would cost American taxpayers an estimated $10.6 billion per year, according to a joint analysis from Climate Policy Initiative and Energy Innovation.

Trump appears to be trying to live up to his promise to bring back coal jobs, but he shouldn’t ignore free market principles or force the energy market at the expense of the economy as a whole. Coal has been declining in its percentage of the energy market for several decades. Although anti-coal regulations put in place by previous administrations have played a role, the increased efficiencies in the production and use of natural gas have been the primary driver of coal’s loss of market share.

Coal production started declining in the ‘80s when low-sulfur coal become harder to find. It dipped again in the late 2000s as hydraulic fracturing made natural gas cheaper to produce. Once natural gas became competitive with coal, power companies started building cheaper and more efficient gas-run generation plants.

In addition, power generation from renewable energy is estimated to increase by 169% by 2040, while coal, as a percentage of our energy mix, could decrease by 51%, Bloomberg New Energy Finance predicts. For a number of reasons, solar has even become cheaper than coal in many countries, and as the Guardian reported, even with Trump’s laudatory hands-off approach on green energy, companies are still investing heavily in alternative fuel sources.

As with all state-controlled markets, government policies that favor one sector over another end up helping certain companies and individuals at the expense of others, and ultimately, it injures consumers and the economy, generally. President Trump’s plan would subsidize only a handful of companies that operate about 90 plants in the East Coast and Midwest. Meanwhile, the specter of cronyism has emerged. As E&E News reported, the official leading the charge on this initiative previously lobbied for FirstEnergy Corp., a company that stands to benefit directly from the coal subsidies.

Trump’s plan to help the coal industry is similar to former President Obama’s initiatives to prop up green energy, which conservatives properly lambasted as inappropriately “picking winners and losers.” Indeed, President Obama funded select green energy groups that played politics well, even if they didn’t use the money as efficiently as they could. For example, Solyndra received guaranteed loans, but an investigative report showed it never got close to yielding its expected results. Its principals played politics, wasted and misused taxpayer money, and kicked the can down the road until everything collapsed. Companies like Solyndra were able to ignore the signals of the market, cash in on government largesse, funnel massive bonuses to high-salary CEOs even as their business crumbled beneath them, and were never held accountable.

If Trump uses federal coal subsidies, one should expect similar results. Coal companies will be encouraged to play politics to stay afloat instead of being encouraged to provide more efficient products and services. And this means Americans may be forced to prop up companies that aren’t able to compete in the market. It is a waste of taxpayer money.

Trump and other Republicans should embrace free market principles that incentivize competition rather than embracing a top-down approach that will help a few businesses at the expense of everyone else.  By all means, eliminate the regulations that unfairly target coal at the expense of other energy sources, but don’t transfer taxpayer money in the form of subsidies, another failing business model.  The government should not be in the business of picking who wins and who loses.

Tyler Arnold is a communications associate at Cause of Action Institute.

Progress has been made in appointing IGs, but more should be done

Earlier this year, we highlighted an important, troubling, occasion: the passage of the 3,000th day without a permanent Department of Interior Inspector General (“IG”).  Five months have passed and President Trump has still not appointed a watchdog for that agency.  At least eight other IG offices are similarly without permanent leadership.  Nevertheless, despite the need for greater effort on the part of the Administration, due credit should be given for the important progress that has been made in appointing competent individuals to some of the vacancies.

We applaud President Trump for nominating five individuals to IG posts since taking office.  In June, Robert Storch was nominated to oversee the National Security Agency.  In September, Mark Greenblatt and Christopher Sharpley were selected for the Export-Import Bank and Central Intelligence Agency, respectively.  And last week, President Trump announced his intent to nominate yet another two IGs—John Edward Dupuy for the Office of Personnel Management, and Gail Ennis for the Social Security Administration.  These candidates all appear to be eminently qualified.  Better, nearly all of them have previous experience working in IG offices.

It was inexcusable for President Obama to neglect to fill empty IG spots with qualified candidates, and President Trump has made important steps to rebuilding the federal government’s watchdog network.  We hope that the White House will make a special effort, however, to find IGs for Cabinet-level entities, such as the Department of Defense, the Department of Energy, and the Department of Housing and Urban Development.  These agencies, in particular, have substantial budgets, and permanent IGs would provide an important internal check on waste, fraud, and abuse.

As we argued before, the absence of permanent IGs is concerning because it can reflect a lack of commitment to transparency and accountability in government.  Acting IGs cannot truly be independent.  As Senator Ron Johnson has commented, “[t]hey are not truly independent [because] they can be removed by the agency at any time; they are only temporary and do not drive office policy; and they are at greater risk of compromising their work to appease the agency or the president.”

President Trump should accelerate his efforts to identify and nominate strong, independent, and motivated watchdogs.  Taxpayers and the federal government only stand to benefit—as the savings illustrated on the new Oversight.gov suggest. We look forward to the White House’s future efforts on this critical issue.

Ryan P. Mulvey is Counsel at Cause of Action Institute.

Drain The Swamp, But Stock The Pond At FTC (John Vecchione Opinion-Forbes)

Drain The Swamp, But Stock The Pond At FTC

 By John J. Vecchione, President of Cause of Action Institute

 Efforts by the Trump administration to reduce regulatory burdens on American businesses would be enhanced if the president acts quickly to fill vacant positions at the Federal Trade Commission (FTC).

 My organization, Cause of Action Institute, recently wrote to the president to urge immediate action to appoint commissioners. New leadership could help rein in the agency’s pattern and practice of regulatory overreach, and allow the pursuit of innovation, without fear of abusive and unconstitutional enforcement actions.

Read the full article at Forbes.com

 

It’s Time to End Ex-Im Bank’s Taxpayer Subsidized Corporate Welfare

When the federal government subsidizes a private company, we all lose. Such subsidies, often referred to as “corporate welfare” by critics, tend to benefit big companies, while stifling innovation and making it more difficult for smaller companies to compete. The Export-Import Bank, or Ex-Im Bank, is perhaps the highest profile example of this process.

The Ex-Im Bank claims to facilitate exports of U.S. goods and support American jobs. To do this, the Bank finances American businesses—freeing them from the need to obtain private loans—so that they can compete internationally. This may sound good in the abstract but its implementation imports all the hazards of corporate welfare.

In April, President Trump disappointed supporters of free trade when he seemingly changed his position on the Ex-Im Bank. As a candidate in 2015, Trump said the Ex-Im Bank was “unnecessary” and contradictory to free enterprise. However, three months after his inauguration, he called the Bank “a very good thing” claiming that “it actually makes money.” In his first budget proposal, President Trump decided to keep it. He also intends to nominate two board members, which will permit the bank to enter into full operation, meaning more and bigger loans from the taxpayer.

On the bright side, President Trump has nominated former Rep. Scott Garrett to head the Bank. In the past, Garrett has been an outspoken critic of the Ex-Im Bank, which hopefully means that should he be confirmed, he will limit its operations and advocate for reform. It can only be seen as a positive sign that the big businesses who benefit most have already come out in opposition to his nomination.

The Ex-Im Bank claims to “level the playing field” for domestic products and help small businesses compete internationally. But federal subsidies to politically-favored companies hurt both international competition and market efficiency. If a business can’t get a private loan, resources should be allocated elsewhere to companies that can better compete, without taxpayer-subsidized assistance. Artificially propping up private industry is not the role of the federal government.

Many economists recognize the failures of the Ex-Im Bank. But supporters, most prominently the companies that get these cheap loans, argue it is acceptable to sacrifice quality, efficiency and competition to help prop up American jobs. However, the biggest recipients are generally in good positions to sustain themselves and do not need these funds to retain American jobs.

Most beneficiaries of the Ex-Im Bank’s loans are, in fact, not small businesses. The largest recipient, by far, is Boeing, which takes a whopping 40 percent the Bank’s financing.  The top 10 recipients, which include Caterpillar, General Electric, and other behemoth companies (and which frighteningly includes “unknown”), makes up 75 percent of the Bank’s expenditures.

Boeing has repeatedly threatened job losses if the Bank goes away. In 2015, the company cautioned that ending the Ex-Im Bank would lead to the loss of thousands of employees because otherwise it would be unable to compete with the European company, Airbus. Congress gave in and re-instated the Bank—and Boeing went ahead and cut 4,000 jobs anyway. Re-instatement of the Bank did nothing to save those jobs, but it did line the pockets of shareholders (18 of which are members of Congress). Companies like Boeing don’t need subsidized loans to stay afloat. Faced with the possibility of the Ex-Im Bank closing, for example, the government and Standard & Poor released reports that found Boeing would do fine without the aid. The other largest recipients are similarly financially sound.

Free and open trade breeds competition and efficiency, whereas corporate subsidies set up a system of reliance, barriers to entry and inefficiency. If you’re playing with the house’s money, you’re much more likely to chase the river and make poor decisions. For example, in 1987, the Ex-Im Bank’s investments were so bad that it requested a massive federal bailout. After the loss of hundreds of millions of dollars, it needed a $3-billion bailout just to stay afloat. The bank had some gains and some losses in the 1990s. Although there was an overall profit of $5 billion since 1990, the low interest rates brought in much less money than it could have and defaults may result in a net loss in the future.

A federal budget agency found that the Ex-Im Bank’s current budget is on pace to cost taxpayers $2 billion over the next decade. Yet we continue to throw more and more taxpayer money at an unnecessary corporate welfare regime, benefitting not the free market but favored players.

Federal policies should create an even playing field for industry and a friendly environment for entrepreneurship to flourish. Only about two percent of all exports are subsidized by the Ex-Im Bank. If 98 percent of the market can export without needing any help from a corporatist bank, the other two percent should manage fine. The Bank helps line the pockets of politically-connected businessmen and gives little aid to the average person. It is time for the president and Congress to end it for good.

Tyler Arnold is a communications associate at Cause of Action Institute

CoAI to President Trump: Appoint Commissioners to FTC

Letter urges swift action to break deadlock, free U.S. businesses from unwarranted, abusive enforcement actions

Washington, D.C. – Cause of Action Institute (“CoA Institute”) sent a letter to President Trump, imploring him to move quickly to appoint one or more commissioners to fill current vacancies at the Federal Trade Commission (“FTC”). The letter suggests that just one additional commissioner could break deadlock to halt the agency’s pattern and practice of regulatory overreach and rein in recent unconstitutional enforcement actions that harm the economy and the rule of law.

The letter states that although the FTC’s acting chair, Maureen Ohlhausen, “has done a commendable job of addressing the excesses and lawlessness that plagued the agency, the acting chair cannot fully right the ship unless and until you appoint one or more commissioners who share her commitment to advancing economic liberty and believe that responsible businesses should have the freedom to succeed, unfettered by rogue regulators chasing chimerical harms.”

The letter states:

“The acting chair’s ability to promote competition and protect the free market and consumers from overregulation and overreach is hamstrung by the current gridlock on the Commission. Although Congress intended for the Commission to be an independent, bipartisan, five-member administrative body, there are currently only two commissioners: Acting Chair Ohlhausen, a Republican, and Commissioner Terrell McSweeney, a Democrat.

“Because a majority of commissioners must vote to approve most Commission actions, and because only one of the two current commissioners shares the administration’s commitment to cutting bureaucratic red tape to grow the economy, the Commission is hopelessly deadlocked on important policy issues affecting the entire private economy, such as the FTC’s controversial efforts to regulate data security, technology, and privacy for all U.S. businesses citing its authority under Section 5 of the FTC Act to prohibit ‘unfair’ or ‘deceptive’ business practices.”

The letter highlights several controversial “midnight” enforcement actions initiated just before the Trump administration began, that were undertaken in the absence of proven consumer harm. For instance, as the acting chair explained in her dissent from one such “midnight” enforcement action:

“[I]n the Commission’s 2-1 decision to sue Qualcomm, I face an extraordinary situation: an enforcement action based on a flawed legal theory (including a standalone Section 5 count) that lacks economic and evidentiary support, that was brought on the eve of a new presidential administration, and that, by its mere issuance, will undermine U.S. intellectual property rights in Asia and worldwide. These extreme circumstances compel me to voice my objections.”

The letter concludes, “[T]he acting chair should not be the lone (and thus powerless) voice of reason and sound economic policy on the Commission. For these reasons, we respectfully ask that you expeditiously appoint one or more Commissioners to the FTC at your earliest convenience to assist the Acting Chair in furtherance of this Administration’s efforts to reduce regulatory burdens and improve Americans’ liberty to create.”

The letter was signed by John J. Vecchione, president and CEO of CoA Institute. The full letter is available here

For information regarding this press release, please contact Zachary Kurz, Director of Communications: zachary.kurz@causeofaction.org