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12/6/2017

CoA Institute Investigates CFPB’s ‘Dumbledore Army’ Using Encrypted Messaging Apps to Thwart Transparency

Washington D.C. – Cause of Action Institute (“CoA Institute”) today filed a Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) request after media reports identified a number of career employees at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (“CFPB”) who use encrypted messaging apps to communicate about ways to resist changes under newly Trump-appointed acting director Mick Mulvaney. The group reportedly refers to itself as Dumbledore’s Army, a nod to a fictional resistance movement in the Harry Potter novels.

CoA Institute Counsel Eric Bolinder: “A number of CFPB employees are reportedly using encrypted apps on their phones to evade transparency laws and conceal their communications from oversight. Under the Federal Records Act, the CFPB has a legal obligation to preserve all records made by employees working on official government business. Congress and the public have a right to know if federal employees are intentionally evading transparency in order to resist changes under CFPB’s new leadership.”

A December 5, 2017 article by the New York Times reported that CFPB employees are communicating among themselves using encrypted messaging applications:

An atmosphere of intense anxiety has taken hold, several employees said. In some cases, conversations between staff that used to take place by phone or text now happen almost exclusively in person or through encrypted messaging apps.

It is unknown whether these employees discuss work-related issues using their CFPB-issued or personal devices. Under the Federal Records Act, the CFPB has a legal obligation to preserve records evidencing employees working on government business, no matter the medium of their communication.

CoA Institute’s FOIA seeks all records reflecting the number of CFPB devices on which encrypted messaging applications were installed, internal policy guidelines on the use of such apps, as well as the communications themselves and efforts by CFPB to recover and archive these messages. The FOIA also specifically requests all communications that contain the words “Dumbledore,” “Dumbledore’s Army,” “Snape,” “Voldemort,” and “He-who-shall-not-be-named,” among other records.

The full FOIA can be found here.

For information regarding this press release, please contact Zachary Kurz, Director of Communications at CoA Institute: zachary.kurz@causeofaction.org.

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11/28/2017

CoA Institute Files Second Lawsuit for Records Concerning EPA Employees’ Use of Encrypted Messaging App

Washington, D.C. – Cause of Action Institute (“CoA Institute”) today filed a second lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia against the Environmental Protection Agency (“EPA”) for the failure to disclose records about an ongoing investigation into agency employees’ use of an encrypted messaging application, called “Signal.”  The records at issue—which were the subject of two Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) requests (here and here)—include a special report, requested by the EPA Office of Inspector General and generated by an agency contractor, which identifies the mobile applications running on most EPA-furnished devices, as well as documents concerning the agency’s continuing efforts to address allegations of wrongdoing, including the avoidance of federal records management laws.

CoA Institute Counsel Ryan Mulvey: “We now know that a small group of career EPA employees used Signal to avoid transparency.  These employees’ work-related communications—including their messages concerning any proposed efforts to thwart the new administration’s political appointees from carrying out the president’s policy agenda—should have been preserved for disclosure to the public.  Records released by the EPA, however, prove that this preservation never took place.  Now, the EPA has effectively refused to disclose any additional documents that could show how pervasive the use of Signal was and how seriously the agency has tried to rectify deficiencies in meeting its record preservation obligations.”

CoA Institute opened its investigation into the use of Signal at the beginning of the year, following media reports that suggested a select number of career officials were using the application to plan methods for obstructing the Trump administration’s incoming political leadership.  CoA Institute’s investigation was widely discussed in the press, along with Congress’s request for the EPA’s watchdog to independently investigate the matter.

Just hours after CoA Institute filed its first FOIA lawsuit, on March 23, 2017, the EPA’s Office of General Counsel acknowledged that there was, indeed, an “open law enforcement” investigation and, as a result, responsive records would have to be redacted.  The EPA ultimately reconsidered its position and, notwithstanding its active investigation, agreed to release relevant records.  Those records prompted the follow-up FOIA requests at issue in today’s lawsuit.

More information on CoA Institute’s investigation can be found here.

The full complaint can be found here.

For information regarding this press release, please contact Zachary Kurz, Director of Communications at CoA Institute: zachary.kurz@causeofaction.org.

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11/27/2017

Investigation Update: EPA Employees’ Use of an Encrypted Messaging App to Thwart Transparency and Fight the White House

Shortly after President Trump took office, Politico reported that a small group of career employees at the Environmental Protection Agency (“EPA”)—“numbering less than a dozen”—were using an encrypted messaging application, called “Signal,” to discuss ways in which to prevent incoming political appointees from implementing the Trump Administration’s policy agenda, which may violate the Federal Records Act.  These employees sought to form a sort of “opposition network” to combat any shift in the EPA’s mission and to preserve the “integrity” of “objfedective” scientific data collected for years by the agency.

The use of Signal at the EPA mirrored reports about the use of electronic messaging platforms at other agencies, including the State Department and the Department of Labor.  But the EPA seemed to present a particularly potent site for the fermentation of political opposition among the civil service bureaucracy.  As reported by Reuters, for example, “[o]ver 400 former EPA staff members” wrote an open letter to the U.S. Senate, asking that former Oklahoma Attorney General Scott Pruitt’s nomination as Administrator be rejected, and employees in the EPA’s Chicago regional office held a joint protest against Pruitt with the Sierra Club.  Such resistance, as our investigative findings suggested, has yet to dissipate.

* * *

Cause of Action Institute (“CoA Institute”) opened its investigation into the use of Signal following Politico’s report.  We were concerned that Signal might have been used to conceal internal agency communications from oversight and that the EPA had failed to meet its legal obligations under the Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) and the Federal Records Act to preserve records of official government business created or obtained on Signal.  The EPA’s less-than-sterling reputation for managing electronic records likely inspired the House of Representatives to seek similar clarification from the EPA Inspector General on the Signal scandal.

In our view, to the extent intra-agency Signal correspondence pertained to employees’ plans, in their official capacities, to fight the White House on policy issues, those records were governed by the FOIA and the Federal Records Act, even if created or received on private devices.  Applicable guidance from the National Archives and Records Administration (“NARA”) on electronic records states as much.  Although some have argued that Signal could have been used in the employees’ personal capacity or “off the record,” such claims rest on “murky legal ground.”  At least to the extent employees used Signal on EPA devices, there should have been some mechanism in place to preserve messages until agency authorities could determine whether federal records laws applied.  Such a mechanism was particularly important given the difficulty of recovering encrypted messages after deletion.

* * *

To date, CoA Institute’s investigation has unearthed previously undisclosed information about the Signal scandal and the EPA’s efforts to address allegations of legal wrongdoing.  In response to our first FOIA lawsuit, the EPA acknowledged that there was an “open law enforcement” investigation and, therefore, many of the records at issue would be withheld in full.  The EPA eventually changed its position on this matter and released a number of partially-redacted records.  Those records corroborate the alarming facts reported in the media and reveal much more.

For example, the EPA Office of Inspector General apparently opened its official investigation into the use of Signal only after reading the Washington Times report on CoA Institute’s FOIA efforts.  As Assistant Inspector General Patrick Sullivan noted:

Figure 1: February 3, 2017 E-mail from Patrick Sullivan to Arthur Elkins et al.

An unidentified special agent then explained how an official “hotline complaint” would be initiated, but only after consulting with IT staff.

Figure 2: February 3, 2017 E-mail from Unidentified Special Agent

The EPA’s administrative offices appear to have been alerted to the Signal scandal before the Inspector General, and only because of the efforts of President Trump’s political appointees.  David Schnare almost immediately highlighted the need for a high-level response.

Figure 3: February 2, 2017 E-mail from David Schnare

Mr. Schnare subsequently resigned from the EPA in March 2017, citing difficulties with “antagonistic” career staff opposed to President Trump’s policy agenda.

The next day, again in response to the Washington Times, another Trump-appointed advisor, former State Senator Donald Benton, described the media reports as “disturbing if true,” and wondered whether the EPA could detect whether Signal had been improperly downloaded on any devices. (Senator Benton also left the EPA following alleged clashes with Administrator Pruitt.)

Figure 4: February 3, 2017 E-mail from Donald Benton

Steven Fine, the EPA’s Acting Assistant Administrator of the Office of Environmental Information and Acting Chief Information Officer, assured Senator Benton that the agency could not detect “app downloads,” but could, in fact, scan devices for already-installed programs.

Figure 5: February 3, 2017 E-mail from Steven Fine

The EPA’s ability to “scan” for the installation of Signal was also revealed during summary judgment briefing against Judicial Watch in unrelated FOIA litigation.  A declarant for the EPA described a software tool known as “Mobile Device Management” or “MDM,” which can compile a master report that identifies the applications running on most EPA-furnished equipment.  Indeed, Mr. Fine likely wrote to Senator Benton with knowledge of the Inspector General’s pending request for “assistance in identifying whether certain mobile apps, including Signal, had been downloaded” to EPA devices.

Figure 6: February 3, 2017 E-mail from Patrick Sullivan

* * *

Figure 7: February 3, 2017 E-mail from Rena Key

Interestingly, an unidentified special agent in the Office of the Inspector General recognized the limitations in retrieving Signal messages, regardless of the agency’s ability to use MDM to identify the relevant devices on which the application was installed.

Figure 8: February 3, 2017 E-mail from Unidentified Special Agent

An EPA contractor eventually generated the requested report in the MDM devices and transmitted it to the Office of Environmental Information.  CoA Institute has a pending FOIA request for a copy of the MDM report.

Records released to CoA Institute also raise or confirm other concerning facts:

  • Based on a list of approved “Terms of Service” agreements, EPA employees never were, and still are not, authorized to download and use Signal. Although various social medial tools are approved for use, Signal is not one of them.
  • Internal agency guidance leaves individual employees with total discretion in determining whether text or instant messages need to be forwarded to an official e-mail address and agency recordkeeping system. Although the guidance highlights the differences between “substantive (or non-transitory)” records and those that need not be retained, there is no clear system of oversight to prevent the unauthorized deletion of electronic records.
  • On February 22, 2017, NARA wrote to the EPA to request an update on the records management issues involved in the Signal scandal. The EPA responded a month later, explaining that its investigation was still ongoing and a final report would be forthcoming.  The agency referred to its existing list of approved “Terms of Service” agreements, as well as its efforts to remind employees of their individual responsibility to preserve certain records.  No specific mention was made of the use of Signal.

As additional information becomes available, we will provide further analysis on the EPA’s investigation into the unauthorized use of Signal.

Selected records from CoA Institute’s FOIA production, excepts of which have been used above, can be accessed here.

Ryan P. Mulvey is Counsel at Cause of Action Institute.

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11/2/2017

CoA Institute Sues OMB, Compelling it to Take Transparency Policy Seriously

Cause of Action Institute (“CoA Institute”) has sued the White House Office of Management and Budget (“OMB”) for failing to respond to two petitions for rulemaking that CoA Institute submitted to the agency.  These two petitions—both aimed at increasing government transparency—were filed during the Obama Administration but were ignored. One petition for rulemaking focused on the OMB’s outdated Freedom of Information Act fee guidelines while the other focused on an executive order related to earmarking. We hope these lawsuits will spur the Trump Administration to action to increase the public’s ability to know what its government is up to.

Petition for Rulemaking on OMB’s Outdated FOIA Fee Guidelines

The Freedom of Information Act requires agencies to produce records on a reduced fee schedule if the requester qualifies as a “representative of the news media” or other favored category.  The FOIA requires agencies to issue records free of charge if the information is in the public interest and the requester has a means to distribute it.  Unfortunately, agencies often use these fee provisions as a mechanism to block requesters that are doing rigorous oversight of the agency.

As information technology advanced over the past two decades, Congress recognized that journalism was changing in fundamental ways and that citizen journalists and nonprofit organizations were just as vital to conducting government oversight as the traditional news media.  That’s why, in the Open Government Act of 2007, Congress provided a statutory definition of a “representative of the news media” that expressly noted that “as methods of news delivery evolve (for example, the adoption of the electronic dissemination of newspapers through telecommunications services), such alternative media shall be considered to be news-media entities.”[1]

But the FOIA also requires OMB to develop and maintain guidelines on FOIA fee issues and it requires agencies to conform their regulations to OMB’s guidelines.  In 1987, OMB issued its one and only guidance document on FOIA fees and in that document it requires “representatives of the news media” to work for organizations that are “organized and operated to publish or broadcast news to the public.”  The Federal Trade Commission (“FTC”) attempted to use this outdated standard against CoA Institute to deny us a preferable fee status and thus drive up the cost of our oversight of that agency.  We took the FTC to the D.C. Circuit and won.  The opinion in that case explained that the “organized and operated” standard was no longer proper.[2]

Yet ten years after Congress changed the statutory standard and two years after the D.C. Circuit directed that the “organized and operated” standard was no longer viable, dozens of agencies still employ it and OMB still has not updated its 1987 FOIA fee guidance.

In an effort to spur OMB to reform its outmoded guidance and to move all agencies toward compliance with the statute, CoA Institute filed a petition for rulemaking with OMB in June 2016.  The agency has not responded to that petition and we were forced to sue to bring the issue to resolution.

Petition for Rulemaking on Executive Order 13457

In 2008, President George W. Bush issued Executive Order 13457 to pressure Congress to reform its profligate earmarking practices.  The order required, inter alia, that executive-branch agencies proactively disclose any attempts by members of Congress or their staff to influence discretionary spending decisions the agencies were making.  President Bush directed OMB to ensure that agencies complied with the order.

Through an investigation, CoA Institute was able to establish that OMB understood Executive Order 13457 to apply to both legislative earmarks (i.e., spending directives in statute and committee reports) and executive branch earmarks (i.e., efforts by outside forces to pressure agencies to make certain spending decisions).  CoA Institute’s investigation also revealed that very few agencies were complying with the order; the Department of Energy was a notable exception.

In an effort to spur the Obama Administration to implement Executive Order 13457, CoA Institute joined with Demand Progress and filed a petition for rulemaking at OMB asking it “to issue a rule ensuring the continuing force and effect of Executive Order 13457, Protecting American Taxpayers From Government Spending on Wasteful Earmarks[.]”  More than two years have passed since we filed the petition and OMB has not responded.

Conclusion

The White House Office of Management and Budget sits at a unique place in the federal administrative state.  It has the opportunity to put in place and require adherence to cross-agency rules that can increase or decrease government transparency.  Ensuring that FOIA fees are not improperly used to block agency oversight and requiring proactive disclosure of congressional attempts to influence agency discretionary spending decisions are two ways OMB can make a difference.  CoA Institute has filed suit today to compel them to take these responsibilities seriously.

James Valvo is counsel and senior policy advisor at Cause of Action Institute.  He was instrumental in crafting both petitions for rulemaking and the lawsuit discussed in this post.  You can follow him on Twitter @JamesValvo.

[1] 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(4)(A)(ii)

[2] Cause of Action v. Fed. Trade Comm’n, 799 F.3d 1108 (D.C. Cir. 2015).

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11/2/2017

Cause of Action Institute Sues White House OMB Over Failure to Act on Transparency Rules

Washington, DC – Cause of Action Institute (“CoA Institute”) today filed a lawsuit against the White House Office of Management and Budget (“OMB”) for failing to act on two petitions for rulemaking submitted well over a year ago. Both petitions ask OMB to take its transparency obligations seriously and enact rules that would promote public disclosure of agency records.

The first petition requests that the Office of Management and Budget update its fee guidance for Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) requests. OMB’s fee guidance is outdated and now conflicts with both statutory and judicial authorities. The FOIA law requires OMB to establish these guidelines and requires every agencies’ fee rules to conform to OMB’s guidance. The FOIA Advisory Committee and the Archivist of the United States have also recommended that Office of Management and Budget update this guidance.

The second petition relates to protecting taxpayers against wasteful executive branch earmarks. Previous administrations have required agencies to disclose congressional efforts to meddle in agency spending decisions, an effort first started under President George W. Bush’s Executive Order 13457. The Trump administration has yet to address this issue.

CoA Institute Counsel and Senior Policy Advisor James Valvo: “It does not appear the Trump administration has any plans to finalize these rules, which would go a long way to promoting government transparency. FOIA requesters are often deterred due to high costs agencies charge to produce records. In recent years, the courts have clarified that many groups beyond traditional journalists are now eligible for news media fee waivers. Updating OMB’s FOIA guidance to reflect this broad definition is critical. This lawsuit is a great opportunity for the Trump administration to show its leadership on transparency issues.”

The lawsuit can be found here

For information regarding this press release, please contact Zachary Kurz, Director of Communications at CoA Institute: zachary.kurz@causeofaction.org

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10/31/2017

Transparency Groups: Finalize Release to One, Release to All FOIA Policy

Cause of Action Institute and Sunlight Foundation file petition to advance rule that would promote broad disclosure of agency records

Washington, DC – Cause of Action Institute (“CoA Institute”) today joined the Sunlight Foundation in filing a petition for rulemaking demanding the Trump administration move forward with a rule to promote government transparency and broad public disclosure of agency records. The Release to One, Release to All rule, first proposed by the Obama administration, mandates that agencies make records produced in response to Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) requests also publicly available on the agencies’ websites, with certain limited exceptions. CoA Institute also led a broad coalition of government transparency organizations in sending a letter to the White House Office of Management and Budget (“OMB”) and Department of Justice Office of Information Policy urging action to finalize the rule.

CoA Institute Counsel and Senior Policy Advisor James Valvo: “‘Release to One, Release to All’ is a great way to increase the amount of government information in the public sphere. When agencies release information under FOIA, with limited exceptions, it is prepared for release to the public. The Obama administration has already run the pilot program and the Department of Justice has already accepted public comment on the policy. It’s time to finalize it.”

Sunlight Foundation Deputy Director Alex Howard: “Despite multiple requests for updates from the Justice Department over the past year, it does not appear the Trump administration has any plans to finalize and promulgate this policy, or even answer basic questions about why it has stalled. Our petition compels the Trump administration to either move forward with disclosure and implementation, or explain why they don’t believe the policy is workable. The ‘Release to One, Release to All’ policy for the Freedom of Information Act has broad support within the transparency community, and we deserve an explanation as to why progress has ground to a halt after months of analysis, planning and responsive feedback to a request for public comment.”

On June 30, 2016, President Obama directed a review of the feasibility of such a FOIA policy. More than ten months have passed since the January 1, 2017 completion deadline for that review. Despite this analysis and gathering public comments, progress on the rule has now halted completely without explanation.

For these reasons, CoA Institute led a group of 22 organizations in sending a letter to the White House and Justice Department urging them to take the next step in finalizing the policy.

The letter states:

“Release to One, Release to All” is sound public policy that would increase government transparency and leverage the existing investment in FOIA disclosures… Placing this information in the public domain would allow the public to know what type of information is being requested, to search these prior productions for information relevant to their own purposes, and, perhaps, decrease the number for future requests or facilitate future requesters making more informed and targeted requests. What’s more, placing these information resources into the public domain has the potential to create unknown benefits, such as analyses of patterns in FOIA requests and harnessing of the information for other uses… We urge you to take the next step and finalize the policy.

The petition for rulemaking can be found here.
The letter can be found here.

For information regarding this press release, please contact Zachary Kurz, Director of Communications at CoA Institute: zachary.kurz@causeofaction.org

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10/20/2017

DHS Watchdog Claims Political Appointees No Longer Politicizing FOIA

One of the earliest transparency scandals of the Obama Administration erupted in 2010 when the Associated Press discovered that officials at the Department of Homeland Security (“DHS”) had, “in a highly irregular move,” started to “filter hundreds of public records requests through political appointees, allowing them to examine what was being requested and delay releasing sensitive material.”  These appointees, along with senior officials and public affairs staff, effectively blocked or delayed the disclosure of potentially embarrassing or politically-damaging agency records under the Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”).  Their interjection into the FOIA process—and retaliation against career staff members who objected to this “sensitive review”— resulted in a congressional inquiry and damning Oversight Committee report.  The Obama Administration politicized FOIA the same way at the Department of Housing and Urban Development, the Environmental Protection Agency, the State Department, and the Department of the Treasury.  The situation at DHS, however, has improved, according to a recently-released Inspector General report.

The July 7, 2009 memorandum establishing sensitive review procedures at DHS included extensive reporting requirements, including updates to the White House about agency disclosures.  The DHS Inspector General politely described this, in a March 2011 report, as “unprecedented.”  It “created inefficiencies that hampered full implementation” of the FOIA.  More troubling, the policy had the practical effect of targeting media organizations and critics of the Administration.  Agency officials regularly delayed requests from media outlets, for example, so that they could develop a public response to damaging records.  And other disclosure decisions were sometimes based on the political affiliation of a requester.

Now, in response to a June 2015 request from the U.S. Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, the Inspector General has published a new report that revisits its earlier findings and suggests that the culture of FOIA politicization at DHS has improved.  Since 2011, DHS has “reduced the number of days that political appointees . . . have to review releases from 3 days to 1 day.”  The sensitive review process has been renamed the “1-Day Awareness Notification Process.”  And, in most cases, FOIA officers “no longer wait for approval before releasing responses to significant FOIA requests” because it is “not required.”  An audit of 57 “significant requests” showed that none were delayed because of political appointee intervention.

These findings are positive.  The more limited involvement of fewer political appointees—“an advisor to the DHS Secretary, an official in the Office of Public Affairs, and the Chief FOIA Officer”—as well as a shorter “notification” period, limits the potential for politicization while respecting agency leadership’s concern for being kept aware of disclosures that might ignite media attention.  The apparent removal of any sort of necessary “clearance” authorization from political staff, or the removal of a requirement to obtain such clearance before release, is also a helpful development.  Oddly, DHS’s revised procedures are only “informally documented” in a “2012 email” and “2015 draft guidance.”  According to the Inspector General’s report, the DHS Privacy Office aims to finalize them by the end of the year.  The sooner, the better.

Ryan P. Mulvey is Counsel at Cause of Action Institute.

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