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Investigative Report: Presidential Access to Taxpayer Information

Investigative Report: Presidential Access to Taxpayer Information

“In almost every administration since the IRS’s inception, the information & power of the tax agency have been mobilized for explicitly political purposes.”

David Burnham, A Law Unto Itself: The IRS and the Abuse of Power (1990)

Following the misuse and unauthorized release of confidential taxpayer information during President Obama’s first term, including the largest breach of taxpayer confidentiality laws by the federal government in United States history, Cause of Action Institute (“CoA Institute”) investigated the legal and institutional checks designed to protect against such improper disclosure and the means by which the Obama Administration may have evaded those checks.

That investigation revealed that President Obama has circumvented the congressionally created and authorized procedures for accessing confidential taxpayer information—procedures that were designed to be exclusive—by relying on individual consent forms that were never intended for use by the President. The practice has allowed the President to avoid the reporting requirements and limitations placed on presidential access to taxpayer information by the Tax Reform Act of 1976. In particular, the use of individual consents enables the administration to skirt statutory recordkeeping and reporting requirements to Congress, the limitations on the kind of information available for disclosure, and the extent to which such information can be shared within government agencies and offices.

President Obama has circumvented the congressionally created and authorized procedures for accessing confidential taxpayer information.

In addition, the investigation uncovered that the Office of the White House Counsel under President Obama has employed on a continuous basis at least one attorney detailed from the Department of Justice Tax Division. At least two of those attorney-detailees had knowledge of confidential taxpayer information gained while serving as counsel to the Internal Revenue Service concerning litigation with nonprofit groups opposed to President Obama’s policies. This Office of the White House Counsel practice is unique to the current administration and appears intended to select Tax Division attorney-detailees who had access to taxpayer information otherwise restricted from disclosure to the President and White House officials.

Equally troubling, neither the Department of Justice Tax Division nor the Office of the White House Counsel has implemented context-specific training, guidelines, or ethical screens to prevent the inadvertent or deliberate disclosure of confidential taxpayer information by attorney-detailees. Inherent conflicts of interest in the detailing program make it imperative that Tax Division attorneys who work on detail to the Office of the White House Counsel, especially those who have served as counsel to the Internal Revenue Service in matters involving the political opponents of President Obama, receive enhanced training and supervision to ensure the safeguarding of confidential taxpayer information. There does not appear to be any program, specialized training, or targeted guidelines in place.

We Recommend

CoA Institute recommends that Congress amend the Internal Revenue Code to ensure that the exclusive mechanisms created by the Tax Reform Act of 1976 for presidential access to confidential taxpayer information are enforced. Congress should foreclose presidential access to taxpayer information under individual consents, as well as require the Executive Office of the President to develop and report safeguard protocols on the handling of such information. Alternatively, Congress should declare that the use of individual consents by the White House be subject to the Paperwork Reduction Act, which would require the forms used for such consents to be approved by the Office of Management and Budget, as well as an opportunity for public notice and comment on the use of such forms to collect information. Finally, the DOJ Designated Agency Ethics Official, the DOJ Professional Repsonsibility Advisory Office, and the DOJ Office of Professional Responsibility should be tasked to investigate attorney misconduct and to report to the public and Congress with the same scope as other Inspectors General throughout the federal government.

No Accountability at the State Department

The U.S. Department of State has been embroiled in a string of humiliating public relations and accountability scandals.  From former Secretary Clinton’s emails to the Iran ransom payment, the agency has been unable to get past uncomfortable questions about the way it relates to the public.  But it’s the deleting of an embarrassing question-and-answer exchange from the State Department’s public video record of a daily press briefing that was back in the news recently.  This blunder is perhaps the easiest to remedy because all the behavior took place within the agency.  Now nearly three months after the story came to light, the agency is no closer to holding anyone accountable than when it started.

A brief recap.  The State Department initially claimed the Q&A exposing the State Department misleading the country about its negotiations with Iran disappeared from the briefing because of a “glitch.”  This was quickly debunked, yet State Department Spokesman John Kirby repeated the claim during his briefing last week, saying “a glitch is possible here is because of the choppy nature of the cut,” and because there is “no evidence that anybody did this with a deliberate intent to conceal.”

However, Fox News is reporting that a recently completed investigation by the State Department Office of Legal Adviser reveals that “the official who ordered the censorship of a 2013 press briefing — deleting an exchange between a department spokeswoman and a Fox News reporter — specifically mentioned that exchange when ordering the doctoring of the video.”  The Legal Adviser’s report stated “The technician did not recall a reason being given for the edit request, but did believe that the requester had mentioned in the course of the call a Fox network reporter and Iran.  The technician indicated that the requester may also have provided the start and end times for an edit.”  This calls into serious doubt Kirby’s claims that no one acted with intent to conceal information.

When the story first surfaced in June, Cause of Action Institute sent a letter to the Secretary of State and the State Department Inspector General notifying them of their duty to refer this matter to the Attorney General for a potential criminal investigation.  There is no evidence that they have done so.  The State Department’s botched investigation and continued obfuscation is exactly why these matters need to be referred to the Department of Justice.  There’s no accountability at the State Department.

There is No Tenth Exemption

The Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) provides access to records, not information.  This may seem like a minor distinction but in the FOIA world it can mean the difference between uncovering government wrongdoing and having your request rejected because it was poorly thought out.  The distinction also means that when agencies are conducting a search for responsive records they should not be able to withhold portions of information contained within responsive records, unless that information falls within one of the nine statutory exemptions.  There is no “tenth exemption” that allows agencies to withhold information within responsive records just because that information is non-responsive to the request.

An examination of the statute’s terms confirms this analysis.  The statutory section that empowers requesters to get documents from the government speaks in terms of “records”  not “information.”  FOIA requires “each agency, upon any request for records which (i) reasonably describes such records and (ii) is made in accordance with published rules . . . shall make the records promptly available to any person.”[1]  The agency must search, “manually or by automated means, agency records for the purpose of locating those records which are responsive to a request.”[2]

The statutory language that allows requesters to access “records” is limited by agencies’ ability to withhold portions of those records if one of the nine statutory exemptions applies.[3]  However, the agency may only redact exempt information and any “reasonably segregable portion of a record shall be provided to any person requesting such record after deletion of the portions which are exempt under this subsection.”[4]  FOIA “does not authorize withholding of information or limit the availability of records to the public, except as specifically stated in this section.”[5]

Taken together, these provisions mean that requesters can access agency records and agencies may only withhold portions of those records if they fall within one of the nine statutory exemptions.  They are not authorized to withhold any other information.

Agencies Attempt to Invoke a Tenth Exemption

It is common practice for agencies to only produce the portions of records that contain responsive information and assert that the remaining portions of the record in which that information is contained is “non-responsive.”  For example, Cause of Action Institute sent a FOIA request to the William J. Clinton Presidential Library seeking records related to efforts by Hillary Clinton store her records at the Library.  In response, the Library sent Cause of Action Institute a quarterly report that the Library filed with the National Archives and Records Administration.  However, the Library withheld almost the entire 18-page report and released only small portions it deemed responsive to the request.  As seen below, the Library used “non-responsive” as a “tenth exemption” to deny access to the full record:

Unfortunately, this practice is all too common.

Recent D.C. Circuit Decision Holds Agency Use of Tenth Exemption Improper

In July 2016, the D.C. Circuit decided American Immigration Lawyers Association v. Executive Office for Immigration Review and held there is “no statutory basis for redacting ostensibly non-responsive information from a record deemed responsive. . . .  [O]nce the government concludes that a particular record is responsive to a disclosure request, the sole basis on which it may withhold particular information within that record is if the information falls within one of the statutory exemptions[.]”[6]  This was an issue of first impression for the Circuit, which provides the leading judicial opinions on FOIA.  Many district courts have permitted this agency behavior.[7]

In this case, the Executive Office for Immigration Review argued that “it was under no obligation . . . to release information that concerned matters unrelated to [the] FOIA request because the information was outside the scope of the request.”[8]  The D.C. Circuit rejected this argument, reasoning that the “sole FOIA provision enabling the government to withhold responsive records is section 552(b), which sets forth the nine statutory exemptions.”[9]  “The statute does not provide for withholding responsive but non-exempt records or for redacting nonexempt information within responsive records.”[10]  “[O]nce an agency identifies a record it deems responsive to a FOIA request, the statute compels disclosure of the responsive record—i.e., as a unit—except insofar as the agency may redact information falling within a statutory exemption.”[11]

D.C. Circuit Sets up Next Fight over Definition of “Record”

In deciding American Immigration Lawyers Association, the D.C. Circuit realized that if the statute requires the disclosure of a record as a unit, the amount of disclosure is going to “depend[] on how one conceives of a ‘record.’”[12]  The court did not directly reach that question because it used the agency’s determination that the documents containing the non-responsive redactions were the relevant “records.”  However, in so ruling, the court afforded a troubling amount of deference to agencies.

The Court summarized that unlike the Privacy Act, the Presidential Records Act, and the Federal Records Act, FOIA provides no statutory definition for the term “records.”  The court then looked to the agencies to provide the definition, writing: “Under FOIA, agencies instead in effect define a ‘record’ when they undertake the process of identifying records that are responsive to a request.”[13]  It also afforded some authoritative deference to the Department of Justice Office of Information Policy guidance, which “sets forth a number of considerations for agencies to take into account when determining whether it is appropriate to divide [a responsive] document into discrete ‘records.’”[14]  The court found “the dispositive point is that, once an agency itself identifies a particular document or collection of material—such as a chain of emails—as a responsive ‘record,’ the only information the agency may redact from that record is that falling within one of the statutory exemptions.”[15]

There is no legal basis for a court to afford deference to an agency interpretation of a term in a statute that is not organic to that agency.  Arguably, it is inappropriate for a court to ever provide deference to agency interpretations.[16]  However, the D.C. Circuit has held that because FOIA is not administered by one agency but instead applies across the Executive Branch, “[o]ne agency’s interpretation of FOIA is . . . no more deserving of judicial respect than the interpretation of any other agency.”[17]  Further, because statute provides that judicial review in FOIA is under a de novo standard of review, courts should not be permitting agencies to decide what counts as a “record” when requiring them to release a record as a single unit.[18]

As courts, agencies, and requesters begin to internalize the implications of American Immigration Lawyers Association, the definition of a “record” is increasingly going to determine how much information is released to the public.  Courts should refrain from deferring to agency attempts, should they arise, to segment records into increasingly smaller sizes.

September 21, 2016 Update:  Our prediction that the D.C. Circuit decision in American Immigration Lawyers Association would set up a new fight with federal agencies over the definition of a “record” has come to pass.  CoA Institute sent a FOIA request to the Department of Justice – Tax Division (“DOJ-Tax”) seeking access to a record the agency had previously produced with a series of redactions marked as non-responsive.  Here is the first page of that record as originally produced.

nr81

Instead of removing the improper redactions of information and providing the record in full, as per the holding in American Immigration Lawyers Association, DOJ-Tax broke the larger record into a series of smaller records, even so far as to claim that an email header was a different record than the body of that same email.  The agency then withheld all but one of those “records” as non-responsive.

prod1

Compare the full original here and the full re-produced record here.

No justification was given as to why an email chain, previously provided as a single record, had now been broken up and categorized into distinct records, why an email header containing the sender, recipient, date, and subject of the email, was now considered a record separate from the body of that same email, or why these “multiple” records, all but one of which were redacted in full because they were deemed non-responsive, were provided in response to our FOIA request.

As suggested in the original blog post, the next fight over government transparency will be the increasingly smaller segmentation of records as agencies seek to circumvent the FOIA’s presumption of openness.  Requesters must be vigilant and courts should not defer to agency interpretations of the statutory term “record.”

November 8, 2016 Update:  Cause of Action Institute has filed suit against the Department of Justice on this issue.  The complaint is available here and the exhibits here.

February 8, 2017 Update:  Cause of Action Institute has filed its Cross-Motion for Summary Judgment in this case.  That filing is discussed in Defining a Record Under FOIA.

James Valvo is Counsel & Senior Policy Advisor at Cause of Action Institute. You can follow him on Twitter @JamesValvo.

 

[1] 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(3)(A) (emphasis added).

[2] Id. § 552(a)(3)(D) (emphasis added).

[3] Id. § 552(b)(1)–(9).

[4] Id. § 552(b) (text following (b)(9)).

[5] Id. § 552(d).

[6] Am. Immigration Lawyers Ass’n v. Exec. Office for Immigration Review, No. 15-5201, 2016 WL 4056405, at *1 (D.C. Cir. July 29, 2016), slip op. available at http://coainst.org/2aZCRgT.

[7] See, e.g., Freedom Watch, Inc. v. Nat’l Sec. Agency, 49 F. Supp. 3d 1, 7 (D.D.C. 2014) (“The practice of redacting non-responsive materials from documents produced in response to FOIA requests has been approved by courts in this Circuit.”) (collecting cases).

[8] Am. Immigration Lawyers Ass’n, 2016 WL 4056405, at *7.

[9] Id.

[10] Id. at 8.

[11] Id.

[12] Id.

[13] Id. at 9.

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] See Jack M. Beermann, End the Failed Chevron Experiment Now: How Chevron Has Failed and Why It and Should be Overruled, 42 Conn. L. Rev. 779 (2010).

[17] Tax Analysts v. IRS, 117 F.3d 607, 613 (D.C. Cir. 1997) (collecting cases).

[18] 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(4)(B); Richard J. Pierce, What do the Studies of Judicial Review of Agency Actions Mean?, 63 Admin. L. Rev. 77, 83 (2011) (“[D]e novo review refers to an approach to judicial review in which the court does not confer any deference on the agency[.]”); Paul R. Verkuil, An Outcomes Analysis of Scope of Review Standards, 44 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 679, 688 (2002) (“[U]nder de novo review, there should be no deference at all.”).

CIA too busy for transparency

Central Intelligence Agency (“CIA”) records recently disclosed to Cause of Action Institute indicate that the agency’s watchdog refused to honor a congressional request for an inquiry into politicized Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) processes because its staff was “fully engaged in other matters.”  Just as alarming, the CIA Inspector General only responded to Congress nearly two years after the request for an inquiry was sent.  Cause of Action Institute obtained these documents after it filed a lawsuit to compel production of records responsive to a FOIA request that had been pending at CIA for three years.   

In August 2010, Senator Chuck Grassley and Representative Darrell Issa wrote to the Inspectors General of twenty-nine (29) different agencies—including the CIA—to request investigations into the role of political appointees in responding to FOIA requests.  Sen. Grassley and Rep. Issa were concerned that non-career officials were intentionally delaying responses and inappropriately influencing decisions to withhold information from the public.  The newly disclosed records confirm that the CIA waited two years to tell Congress that it was simply too busy to conduct an inquiry—despite the fact that the other twenty-eight agencies contacted by Congress carried out the requested audit and released their special reports proactively or under FOIA.

The Obama administration has a poor track record on transparency issues.  Agencies have unfairly politicized FOIA by adopting “sensitive review” procedures that permit political appointees, senior officials, and public affairs staff to participate in processing document requests.  As reported by the House Oversight Committee, such politicization led to retaliation by leadership against a disclosure officer at the Department of Homeland Security.  Cause of Action Institute uncovered politicized FOIA processes at the Department of Housing and Urban Development.  And other sources have detailed “sensitive review” at the Environmental Protection Agency, the State Department, and the Treasury.

But politicization goes beyond internal agency processes.  Under a previously non-public 2009 White House memorandum, agencies are instructed to consult with the Office of the White House Counsel—the president’s lawyer—before producing any documents that involve so-called “White House equities.”  The result of the memo is the unlawful expansion of White House control of agency FOIA processes and usurped agency responsibility for finalizing determinations.

In May, CoA Institute filed a lawsuit against eleven (11) agencies and the White House to end the administration’s practice of delaying responses to FOIA requests that are considered “politically sensitive” or embarrassing.”  Read more HERE.

Read the CIA’s letter to Sen. Grassley and Rep. Issa HERE.
Read CoA Institute’s FOIA Complaint against the CIA HERE.

 

More Broken Promises: Taxpayer-subsidized electric car company misses debt payment

According to recent reports, GreenTech Automotive—the electric car company that was once a joint venture between Virginia Governor Terry McAuliffe and Chinese investor Charles Wang—missed its first repayment on a $3,000,000 public loan from the Mississippi Development Authority (“MDA”).

The story of GreenTech is one of broken promises. In a series of investigations, which culminated in the publication of a comprehensive report in 2013, Cause of Action Institute explained how GreenTech used McAuliffe’s political connections to garner millions of taxpayer dollars in loans and tax incentives, yet failed to meet expectations, instead exaggerating projections of job creation and vehicle production.

According to the Memorandum of Understanding between GreenTech and the MDA, the company promised to invest at least $60 million in the state and create at least 350 full-time jobs within three years of starting commercial production.  In exchange, Mississippi officials promised to loan $2 million to local government to purchase the plot for the company’s production facility, and to provide a direct loan to GreenTech of $3 million.  GreenTech also received a host of tax breaks and incentives valued at $25 million.

As of May 2016, however, sources suggest that GreenTech employs merely 75 people and has failed to sell a single vehicle.  On top of its apparent inability to make good on its promises to taxpayers, the company’s added failure to meet the initial repayment deadline on the public-funded loan calls into question the economic viability of the entire project.

GreenTech and its former chairman, Governor McAuliffe, have been embroiled in other controversies. The company is under investigation by the SEC for its participation in the EB-5 Immigrant Investor Visa Program, through which it has received approximately $46 million in foreign capital, according to some reports.  The watchdog for the Department of Homeland Security also reported that McAuliffe and friends—including as Anthony Rodham, brother of former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton—benefited from political favoritism in the administration of the EB-5 program.

It is unknown whether Mississippi officials will take action against GreenTech for its failure to perform under the loan agreement. But taxpayers should be concerned that the company be given a mere slap on the wrist for its apparent misuse of public funds.

Read Cause of Action Institute’s report on GreenTech Automotive HERE

Related documents can be found HERE

FTC Reverses Initial Decision in LabMD

Federal Trade Commission finds cancer detection lab in violation of data security statute, despite no evidence of consumer harm

 

Washington, D.C. – In an unfortunate but somewhat anticipated decision, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) today issued a finding that LabMD violated a data security statute, reversing an earlier decision by the agency’s own chief in-house administrative law judge (ALJ).  In the Initial Decision on November 13, 2015, Chief ALJ D. Michael Chappell held that the FTC failed to prove the commercial activities of LabMD were unfair to consumers under Section 5(n) of the FTC Act. 

This decision sets a dangerous precedent for every small business in America that deals with sensitive personal information. The FTC appears to have overlooked a significant body of evidence that had been presented before the agency’s chief ALJ. The FTC has imposed liability on LabMD, despite there being no evidence that a single consumer was harmed.

In reversing the Initial Decision, the FTC Commissioners disavowed and disregarded the witness credibility findings of Chief ALJ Chappell, which were based on his first-hand observations of the witnesses.

About Cause of Action Institute:

Cause of Action Institute is a public interest law firm committed to limiting corruption and abuse in the federal government. For more information, visit www.causeofaction.org.

 

Cause of Action Institute Seeks Supreme Court Review in Chicago Transit Authority False Claims Act Suit

Today, Cause of Action Institute filed a petition for writ of certiorari with the United States Supreme Court, the first in the organization’s history, asking the high court to reverse a Seventh Circuit ruling that barred CoA Institute from suing the Chicago Transit Authority (CTA) under the False Claims Act.

In March 2012, CoA Institute provided the U.S. Department of Justice with evidence that CTA for years had intentionally over-billed the Federal Transportation Authority, defrauding taxpayers out of tens of millions of dollars. The Department of Justice declined to intervene in the case.  The U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Illinois granted CTA’s motion to dismiss, which the Seventh Circuit incorrectly upheld.

The cert petition identifies several areas of judicial confusion over the proper application of the public disclosure bar, which prevents qui tam plaintiffs from assisting the federal government in recovering money defendants fraudulently obtained from the government.

Qui tam plaintiffs play an important role in policing federal programs.  In the last fiscal year, eighty percent of the funds recovered for the government in False Claims Act cases derived from lawsuits filed under the qui tam provisions.  The Seven Circuit’s decision to bar CoA Institute from pursuing a case against CTA will chill other qui tam plaintiffs and hurt the federal government’s ability to root out fraudsters.

Read the petition for writ of certiorari here.