Forbes: Group Challenges CFPB Arbitration Rule As ‘Arbitrary’ And Unsupported By Data

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A conservative group is challenging the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s proposed rule banning class-action waivers in financial contracts, saying the agency failed to provide enough data to support its premise.

Cause of Action Institute says in a filing with the CFPB that the agency violated the Administrative Procedure Act and the Information Quality Act by disseminating a 728-page report that purports to show how class actions benefit consumers, when it actually demonstrates the opposite. Critics say the report ignores strong evidence that class actions are costly and ineffective at distributing benefits to consumers compared with individual arbitration, a quicker process where companies frequently pay all the costs of litigation. Read more

There is No Tenth Exemption

The Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) provides access to records, not information.  This may seem like a minor distinction but in the FOIA world it can mean the difference between uncovering government wrongdoing and having your request rejected because it was poorly thought out.  The distinction also means that when agencies are conducting a search for responsive records they should not be able to withhold portions of information contained within responsive records, unless that information falls within one of the nine statutory exemptions.  There is no “tenth exemption” that allows agencies to withhold information within responsive records just because that information is non-responsive to the request.

An examination of the statute’s terms confirms this analysis.  The statutory section that empowers requesters to get documents from the government speaks in terms of “records”  not “information.”  FOIA requires “each agency, upon any request for records which (i) reasonably describes such records and (ii) is made in accordance with published rules . . . shall make the records promptly available to any person.”[1]  The agency must search, “manually or by automated means, agency records for the purpose of locating those records which are responsive to a request.”[2]

The statutory language that allows requesters to access “records” is limited by agencies’ ability to withhold portions of those records if one of the nine statutory exemptions applies.[3]  However, the agency may only redact exempt information and any “reasonably segregable portion of a record shall be provided to any person requesting such record after deletion of the portions which are exempt under this subsection.”[4]  FOIA “does not authorize withholding of information or limit the availability of records to the public, except as specifically stated in this section.”[5]

Taken together, these provisions mean that requesters can access agency records and agencies may only withhold portions of those records if they fall within one of the nine statutory exemptions.  They are not authorized to withhold any other information.

Agencies Attempt to Invoke a Tenth Exemption

It is common practice for agencies to only produce the portions of records that contain responsive information and assert that the remaining portions of the record in which that information is contained is “non-responsive.”  For example, Cause of Action Institute sent a FOIA request to the William J. Clinton Presidential Library seeking records related to efforts by Hillary Clinton store her records at the Library.  In response, the Library sent Cause of Action Institute a quarterly report that the Library filed with the National Archives and Records Administration.  However, the Library withheld almost the entire 18-page report and released only small portions it deemed responsive to the request.  As seen below, the Library used “non-responsive” as a “tenth exemption” to deny access to the full record:

Unfortunately, this practice is all too common.

Recent D.C. Circuit Decision Holds Agency Use of Tenth Exemption Improper

In July 2016, the D.C. Circuit decided American Immigration Lawyers Association v. Executive Office for Immigration Review and held there is “no statutory basis for redacting ostensibly non-responsive information from a record deemed responsive. . . .  [O]nce the government concludes that a particular record is responsive to a disclosure request, the sole basis on which it may withhold particular information within that record is if the information falls within one of the statutory exemptions[.]”[6]  This was an issue of first impression for the Circuit, which provides the leading judicial opinions on FOIA.  Many district courts have permitted this agency behavior.[7]

In this case, the Executive Office for Immigration Review argued that “it was under no obligation . . . to release information that concerned matters unrelated to [the] FOIA request because the information was outside the scope of the request.”[8]  The D.C. Circuit rejected this argument, reasoning that the “sole FOIA provision enabling the government to withhold responsive records is section 552(b), which sets forth the nine statutory exemptions.”[9]  “The statute does not provide for withholding responsive but non-exempt records or for redacting nonexempt information within responsive records.”[10]  “[O]nce an agency identifies a record it deems responsive to a FOIA request, the statute compels disclosure of the responsive record—i.e., as a unit—except insofar as the agency may redact information falling within a statutory exemption.”[11]

D.C. Circuit Sets up Next Fight over Definition of “Record”

In deciding American Immigration Lawyers Association, the D.C. Circuit realized that if the statute requires the disclosure of a record as a unit, the amount of disclosure is going to “depend[] on how one conceives of a ‘record.’”[12]  The court did not directly reach that question because it used the agency’s determination that the documents containing the non-responsive redactions were the relevant “records.”  However, in so ruling, the court afforded a troubling amount of deference to agencies.

The Court summarized that unlike the Privacy Act, the Presidential Records Act, and the Federal Records Act, FOIA provides no statutory definition for the term “records.”  The court then looked to the agencies to provide the definition, writing: “Under FOIA, agencies instead in effect define a ‘record’ when they undertake the process of identifying records that are responsive to a request.”[13]  It also afforded some authoritative deference to the Department of Justice Office of Information Policy guidance, which “sets forth a number of considerations for agencies to take into account when determining whether it is appropriate to divide [a responsive] document into discrete ‘records.’”[14]  The court found “the dispositive point is that, once an agency itself identifies a particular document or collection of material—such as a chain of emails—as a responsive ‘record,’ the only information the agency may redact from that record is that falling within one of the statutory exemptions.”[15]

There is no legal basis for a court to afford deference to an agency interpretation of a term in a statute that is not organic to that agency.  Arguably, it is inappropriate for a court to ever provide deference to agency interpretations.[16]  However, the D.C. Circuit has held that because FOIA is not administered by one agency but instead applies across the Executive Branch, “[o]ne agency’s interpretation of FOIA is . . . no more deserving of judicial respect than the interpretation of any other agency.”[17]  Further, because statute provides that judicial review in FOIA is under a de novo standard of review, courts should not be permitting agencies to decide what counts as a “record” when requiring them to release a record as a single unit.[18]

As courts, agencies, and requesters begin to internalize the implications of American Immigration Lawyers Association, the definition of a “record” is increasingly going to determine how much information is released to the public.  Courts should refrain from deferring to agency attempts, should they arise, to segment records into increasingly smaller sizes.

September 21, 2016 Update:  Our prediction that the D.C. Circuit decision in American Immigration Lawyers Association would set up a new fight with federal agencies over the definition of a “record” has come to pass.  CoA Institute sent a FOIA request to the Department of Justice – Tax Division (“DOJ-Tax”) seeking access to a record the agency had previously produced with a series of redactions marked as non-responsive.  Here is the first page of that record as originally produced.

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Instead of removing the improper redactions of information and providing the record in full, as per the holding in American Immigration Lawyers Association, DOJ-Tax broke the larger record into a series of smaller records, even so far as to claim that an email header was a different record than the body of that same email.  The agency then withheld all but one of those “records” as non-responsive.

prod1

Compare the full original here and the full re-produced record here.

No justification was given as to why an email chain, previously provided as a single record, had now been broken up and categorized into distinct records, why an email header containing the sender, recipient, date, and subject of the email, was now considered a record separate from the body of that same email, or why these “multiple” records, all but one of which were redacted in full because they were deemed non-responsive, were provided in response to our FOIA request.

As suggested in the original blog post, the next fight over government transparency will be the increasingly smaller segmentation of records as agencies seek to circumvent the FOIA’s presumption of openness.  Requesters must be vigilant and courts should not defer to agency interpretations of the statutory term “record.”

November 8, 2016 Update:  Cause of Action Institute has filed suit against the Department of Justice on this issue.  The complaint is available here and the exhibits here.

February 8, 2017 Update:  Cause of Action Institute has filed its Cross-Motion for Summary Judgment in this case.  That filing is discussed in Defining a Record Under FOIA.

James Valvo is Counsel & Senior Policy Advisor at Cause of Action Institute. You can follow him on Twitter @JamesValvo.

 

[1] 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(3)(A) (emphasis added).

[2] Id. § 552(a)(3)(D) (emphasis added).

[3] Id. § 552(b)(1)–(9).

[4] Id. § 552(b) (text following (b)(9)).

[5] Id. § 552(d).

[6] Am. Immigration Lawyers Ass’n v. Exec. Office for Immigration Review, No. 15-5201, 2016 WL 4056405, at *1 (D.C. Cir. July 29, 2016), slip op. available at http://coainst.org/2aZCRgT.

[7] See, e.g., Freedom Watch, Inc. v. Nat’l Sec. Agency, 49 F. Supp. 3d 1, 7 (D.D.C. 2014) (“The practice of redacting non-responsive materials from documents produced in response to FOIA requests has been approved by courts in this Circuit.”) (collecting cases).

[8] Am. Immigration Lawyers Ass’n, 2016 WL 4056405, at *7.

[9] Id.

[10] Id. at 8.

[11] Id.

[12] Id.

[13] Id. at 9.

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] See Jack M. Beermann, End the Failed Chevron Experiment Now: How Chevron Has Failed and Why It and Should be Overruled, 42 Conn. L. Rev. 779 (2010).

[17] Tax Analysts v. IRS, 117 F.3d 607, 613 (D.C. Cir. 1997) (collecting cases).

[18] 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(4)(B); Richard J. Pierce, What do the Studies of Judicial Review of Agency Actions Mean?, 63 Admin. L. Rev. 77, 83 (2011) (“[D]e novo review refers to an approach to judicial review in which the court does not confer any deference on the agency[.]”); Paul R. Verkuil, An Outcomes Analysis of Scope of Review Standards, 44 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 679, 688 (2002) (“[U]nder de novo review, there should be no deference at all.”).

CIA too busy for transparency

Central Intelligence Agency (“CIA”) records recently disclosed to Cause of Action Institute indicate that the agency’s watchdog refused to honor a congressional request for an inquiry into politicized Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) processes because its staff was “fully engaged in other matters.”  Just as alarming, the CIA Inspector General only responded to Congress nearly two years after the request for an inquiry was sent.  Cause of Action Institute obtained these documents after it filed a lawsuit to compel production of records responsive to a FOIA request that had been pending at CIA for three years.   

In August 2010, Senator Chuck Grassley and Representative Darrell Issa wrote to the Inspectors General of twenty-nine (29) different agencies—including the CIA—to request investigations into the role of political appointees in responding to FOIA requests.  Sen. Grassley and Rep. Issa were concerned that non-career officials were intentionally delaying responses and inappropriately influencing decisions to withhold information from the public.  The newly disclosed records confirm that the CIA waited two years to tell Congress that it was simply too busy to conduct an inquiry—despite the fact that the other twenty-eight agencies contacted by Congress carried out the requested audit and released their special reports proactively or under FOIA.

The Obama administration has a poor track record on transparency issues.  Agencies have unfairly politicized FOIA by adopting “sensitive review” procedures that permit political appointees, senior officials, and public affairs staff to participate in processing document requests.  As reported by the House Oversight Committee, such politicization led to retaliation by leadership against a disclosure officer at the Department of Homeland Security.  Cause of Action Institute uncovered politicized FOIA processes at the Department of Housing and Urban Development.  And other sources have detailed “sensitive review” at the Environmental Protection Agency, the State Department, and the Treasury.

But politicization goes beyond internal agency processes.  Under a previously non-public 2009 White House memorandum, agencies are instructed to consult with the Office of the White House Counsel—the president’s lawyer—before producing any documents that involve so-called “White House equities.”  The result of the memo is the unlawful expansion of White House control of agency FOIA processes and usurped agency responsibility for finalizing determinations.

In May, CoA Institute filed a lawsuit against eleven (11) agencies and the White House to end the administration’s practice of delaying responses to FOIA requests that are considered “politically sensitive” or embarrassing.”  Read more HERE.

Read the CIA’s letter to Sen. Grassley and Rep. Issa HERE.
Read CoA Institute’s FOIA Complaint against the CIA HERE.

 

Release to One, Release to All

The Department of Justice Office of Information Policy recently announced that it is asking Executive Branch agencies to begin implementing a new policy under the Freedom of Information Act known as “release to one, release to all.”  Under this policy, when an agency releases a FOIA production to the requester, it will also place the production on its website for the public to access.  The federal government processed more than 700,000 FOIA requests last year, which means this policy will bring a lot more government information to the public.

Today, Cause of Action Institute submitted the comment below to the White House Office of Management and Budget and the DOJ Office of Information Policy urging it to consider several issues as it finalizes this policy.


CoA Institute Investigates $400 Million Cash Payment to Iran, Hidden “Side Agreement” During Nuclear Negotiations

Washington, DC – Today, Cause of Action Institute (CoA Institute) sent Freedom of Information Act requests to the U.S. Department of State and U.S. Department of Treasury seeking information surrounding the widely reported $400 million cash payment the Obama administration sent to Iran in January.  Recent revelations about this previously undisclosed cash payment has called into question whether the State Department and other executive branch agencies engage in secret, potentially unlawful negotiations with foreign governments, designed to evade Congressional and public notice and oversight.

Cause of Action President and CEO, and former federal judge, Alfred J. Lechner, Jr.: “Since 1984, Iran has been listed as a state sponsor of terror; it has been subject to various financial sanctions.  Serious concerns about money laundering and terrorist financing in Iran persist. Details regarding this payment and the supposedly coincidental timing of the hostage release have been hidden from the public and Congress.”

Administration officials, including State spokesmen John Kirby, denied any connection between this payment and the release of American hostages, asserting that the payment was part of a separate settlement agreement, despite reports that the Iranians considered the cash payments “ransom.”

Because any transaction with Iran in U.S. dollars violates U.S. sanctions provisions, the $400 million payment was reportedly made entirely with foreign currency and flown into Iran on wooden pallets onboard an unmarked cargo plane. It has also come to light that Department of Justice officials apparently objected to the payment on legal and policy grounds, but were overruled by the State Department.

In a related but separate matter, CoA Institute is also investigating allegations of a secret “side agreement” the State Department apparently negotiated with Iran last year that would ease restrictions on its nuclear program. In July 2015, the United States, along with six other countries, finalized a controversial agreement involving Iran’s nuclear program.  Under the agreement, Iran was supposedly barred for a 15-year period from engaging in nuclear research and development. Despite widespread criticism from Congress, the agreement went into effect beginning in October 2015.

However, within the last few weeks, contents of a secretive “side agreement” have been revealed.  According to the Associated Press, this side agreement allows Iran to start replacing its stockpile of uranium centrifuges with thousands of more sophisticated models beginning in 2027 instead of 2031.  Such a process could cut the time needed to develop weapons-grade uranium to six months or less. If confirmed, this side agreement would significantly reduce the timeframe for Iran to re-build its nuclear capabilities. Despite such serious consequences, this agreement was hidden from the public and from members of Congress.

In order to further examine these issues, CoA Institute today requested records and internal agency communications surrounding these issues.

The letter to the Department of Treasury can be found here.
The letter to the Department of State can be found here.

More Broken Promises: Taxpayer-subsidized electric car company misses debt payment

According to recent reports, GreenTech Automotive—the electric car company that was once a joint venture between Virginia Governor Terry McAuliffe and Chinese investor Charles Wang—missed its first repayment on a $3,000,000 public loan from the Mississippi Development Authority (“MDA”).

The story of GreenTech is one of broken promises. In a series of investigations, which culminated in the publication of a comprehensive report in 2013, Cause of Action Institute explained how GreenTech used McAuliffe’s political connections to garner millions of taxpayer dollars in loans and tax incentives, yet failed to meet expectations, instead exaggerating projections of job creation and vehicle production.

According to the Memorandum of Understanding between GreenTech and the MDA, the company promised to invest at least $60 million in the state and create at least 350 full-time jobs within three years of starting commercial production.  In exchange, Mississippi officials promised to loan $2 million to local government to purchase the plot for the company’s production facility, and to provide a direct loan to GreenTech of $3 million.  GreenTech also received a host of tax breaks and incentives valued at $25 million.

As of May 2016, however, sources suggest that GreenTech employs merely 75 people and has failed to sell a single vehicle.  On top of its apparent inability to make good on its promises to taxpayers, the company’s added failure to meet the initial repayment deadline on the public-funded loan calls into question the economic viability of the entire project.

GreenTech and its former chairman, Governor McAuliffe, have been embroiled in other controversies. The company is under investigation by the SEC for its participation in the EB-5 Immigrant Investor Visa Program, through which it has received approximately $46 million in foreign capital, according to some reports.  The watchdog for the Department of Homeland Security also reported that McAuliffe and friends—including as Anthony Rodham, brother of former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton—benefited from political favoritism in the administration of the EB-5 program.

It is unknown whether Mississippi officials will take action against GreenTech for its failure to perform under the loan agreement. But taxpayers should be concerned that the company be given a mere slap on the wrist for its apparent misuse of public funds.

Read Cause of Action Institute’s report on GreenTech Automotive HERE

Related documents can be found HERE

Court Rules Against Local Fishermen, Upholds Job-Killing Government Mandate

The U.S. District Court for the District of New Hampshire held that the requirement is “an expected expense of doing business” for New England fishermen

 

WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, the United States District Court for the District of New Hampshire dismissed the lawsuit filed by Plaintiffs David Goethel and Northeast Fishery Sector 13 against the U.S. Department of Commerce.

In December 2015, the Department of Commerce ordered that fishermen who fish for cod, flounder and certain other fish in the Northeast United States not only must carry National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (“NOAA”) enforcement contractors known as “at-sea monitors” on their vessels during fishing trips, but must pay out-of-pocket for the cost of those monitors.  This “industry funding” requirement would devastate the Northeast fishing industry, at the price of many jobs and livelihoods.  The District Court’s order allows that requirement to remain in place.

The Court found that the fishermen’s suit was untimely and that the requirement that monitors be funded by the fishermen was authorized by law.

“I am very disappointed by this decision,” said Goethel.  “I’ve made a living fishing in New England for more than 30 years, but I can’t afford to fish if I have to pay for at-sea monitors.  I’m grateful to Cause of Action Institute for joining the fight, and I hope that the rule of law will win in the end.”

“The fishermen in my sector can’t sustain this industry funding requirement,” said Northeast Fishery Sector 13 Manager John Haran. “They’ll have to try other fisheries, if they can keep fishing at all.”

“While we respect the District Court and its decision, it appears that decision is contrary to the law and facts,” said Alfred J. Lechner, Jr., President and CEO of Cause of Action Institute and a former federal judge.  “In the end, the federal government is overextending its regulatory power and is destroying an industry. We intend to study the decision and consider further action.”

The District Court’s full opinion can be found here. For additional information about the case, visit the Cause of Action Institute website.